Call for papers for IPSA Research Committee 36

What is the Future of Political Power?

There has recently been a seismic shift in political power, both inside and across nations. Within the nations, political power seems to have shifted to the right, with the rise of a cadre of authoritarian leaders that have rolled back democratic practices in institutions. At the international level, the locus of power seems to be shifting to the east with the rise of China. Moreover, military power has acquired a greater roll as  a means of statecraft, with the invasion of Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East. This panel invites papers that bear upon how political power will manifest itself in the future.

Please send your proposals to ggallarotti@wesleyan.edu and trunkos@rmu.edu

The Future of Soft Power-Individual-level Soft Power Use.Title (Paper)   The Future of Soft Power-Individual-level Soft Power Use Author Judit Trunkos, trunkos@rmu.edu; Robert Morris UniversityAbstract    Soft power is the ability to affect others through attraction rather than coercion or payment (Nye 1990, 2023). This attraction can be used to change people’s hearts and minds as well as to make others want what you want (Nye 1990, Nye 2023). In foreign policy this tool has been specifically studied focusing on state actors. This paper argues that one of the future applications of soft power use is through non-state actors, namely celebrity athletes. In this paper Ronaldo’s, Beckham’s and Lewandowski’s soft power use on Facebook is captured and analyzed to find out if they are able to use soft power to influence the public and to compare their effectiveness with the state of their origin on social media. The findings of this mixed methodology study reveal that celebrity athletes can be effective users of soft power in cyberspace which points to a new way to use soft power in the future.

Can Global Economic Governance Accommodate Assertive Nationalism?Title (Paper)   Can Global Economic Governance Accommodate Assertive Nationalism? Author Judit Fabian, jfabian@uottawa.ca; University of Ottawa Nationalism is the nemesis of global governance. It is necessary to global governance, which is primarily the collective self-governance of nation-states; however, nationalism in excess can also destroy global governance. It follows that global economic governance (GEG) must advance the national interests of individual countries but resist the strongest expressions of those interests. Of course, the relationship between global governance (including GEG) and assertive nationalism has always been fraught. Indeed, extreme cases of assertive nationalism constitute a limiting factor; too many countries too devoted to extreme nationalism would collapse the system. In addition, global governance has always been fundamentally a question of convincing stakeholders (primarily nation-states) that all powerful interests benefit from agreeing to operate within a rules-based global governance system. From these tenets follows the paper’s basic question: whether GEG can accommodate extreme cases of assertive nationalism. Specifically, can GEG operate in a time of Trumps, Putins and Xis? The paper argues that it can by means of five principles of Inclusive Global Institutionalism (IGI): Inclusion, Caution, Simplicity, Legitimacy, and Flexibility. The paper analyses them largely with relation to the global trading system.

Political Power, Opposition, and DemocracyTitle (Paper)   Political Power, Opposition, and Democracy Author James H. Read, jread@csbsju.edu; St. John’s University/ College of Saint BenedictAbstract    In contrast to the common assumption that one’s gain of political power is inherently another’s loss, this paper will argue, first, that political power, though it unquestionably exhibits zero-sum elements, is variable-sum rather than zero-sum: collective gains of political power as well as collective losses are possible. I acknowledge, however, that the conditions under which political power can become positive-sum are historically rare, relatively recent, and remain today vulnerable to reversal. The preconditions for enduring positive-sum relations of political power were absent when centralized states first emerged in human history, and have been absent or very weak, at least in large-scale political communities, though most of human history. Second, the paper will argue that democracy, where it is grounded in universal adult suffrage and constrained and channeled by impartial electoral rules respected by all significant political actors, is better adapted to realizing positive-sum possibilities than any other political form. Democracy, I maintain, not only redistributes political power, but also creates more political power for more people than do other forms of rule. Finally, I will argue that how we understand political power importantly shapes its zero-sum or variable-sum character; and that a thoroughly zero-sum understanding of political power, taken to its logical conclusion and acted upon in practice, today threatens the survival of democracy as a form of government. It is evident today that even long-established democracies like that of the United States can collapse, “die by suicide” as Abraham Lincoln feared, which would be a negative-sum result: collective loss of political power. In that sense, a variable-sum understanding of political power of the kind argued for here is not necessarily “optimistic” about the future of democracy but instead underscores how much is at stake.

From Stadiums to Power: Measuring the Soft Power of Sports Mega-EventsTitle (Paper)   From Stadiums to Power: Measuring the Soft Power of Sports Mega-Events Author Gregory Krippa, gregorykrippa@gmail.com; Loughborough UniversityAbstract    This study is the first to propose measuring soft power through a blend of changes in intention, observed behaviour, and perceived cost. The approach represents a major departure from traditional measures of soft power, which suffer from weak construct validity and obscure causal mechanisms due to reliance on public opinion or proxy indicators. The method advanced here avoids the limitations of existing approaches by uniquely adapting classic works in power theory with insights from the political-psychological literature. In doing so, it is the most comprehensive approach to measuring soft power to date. While particularly suited to SMEs, the method has interdisciplinary application to other time-bound mega- events. It advances both the conceptual clarity and operational measurement of soft power, providing a practical means to evaluate and apply it in international affairs.

(Chair) Judit Trunkos, trunkos@rmu.edu; Robert Morris University